Ayman Joumaa network
The Ayman Joumaa network is an international trafficking and money-laundering organization described in U.S. sanctions notices, criminal allegations and civil proceedings. Authorities identified Ayman Saied Joumaa as its leader and alleged relationships among cocaine suppliers, banks, exchange houses, shipping businesses and commercial customers. Treasury stated that Hezbollah derived financial support from its criminal activities. The network operated through multiple businesses and intermediaries whose legal histories include separate sanctions actions, litigation and civil settlements.[1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10]
Designation and criminal allegations
On 26 January 2011, the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) designated Joumaa, nine other individuals and nineteen entities under the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act. Its account identified exchange houses and commercial businesses as parts of an international infrastructure for moving drug proceeds. Treasury subsequently described laundering of as much as $200 million per month through methods including bulk cash movement and exchange-house accounts at Lebanese Canadian Bank. That estimate concerned the attributed network activity. It was not a measure of Hezbollah’s receipts, a bank profit figure or an amount judicially determined to have been collected from the named businesses.[1][2]
The Justice Department announced separate criminal charges in December 2011, following a November indictment in Virginia. Prosecutors alleged that Joumaa coordinated cocaine shipments from Colombia through Central America for sale to Los Zetas, with the United States as the intended destination. They also alleged the return of drug proceeds from Mexico, Europe and West Africa to suppliers in Colombia and Venezuela. The announcement described laundering fees of eight to fourteen percent and payment to suppliers within one to five days. These were allegations about the charged conspiracy; the announcement did not establish a formal Hezbollah–Los Zetas partnership.[3]
Banks, exchange houses and commercial companies
Treasury’s February 2011 action against Lebanese Canadian Bank (LCB) described access to formal banking through cash deposits, exchange-house customers and international transfers. It attributed the alleged abuse to deficient controls and, in some instances, management complicity. The bank disputed wrongdoing. The amended civil complaint identified Hassan Ayash Exchange and Ellissa Exchange as named participants in Joumaa-related laundering, and listed associated trading and shipping companies. Their alleged roles connected the receipt of funds with payments for goods. The bank, exchange businesses and commercial counterparties occupied different positions within the financial route described by the government.[2][4][11]
The January 2011 designation described a distributed set of businesses in Lebanon, Colombia, Panama, Benin and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Treasury named Hassan Ayash Exchange, Ellissa Exchange and New Line Exchange Trust among the financial intermediaries. It identified Ali Mohammed Kharroubi as the owner of Ellissa Holding and described Ellissa’s vehicle-sales business in Benin. The named firms formed an alleged infrastructure of financial and commercial services, rather than one incorporated company.[1][1]
Treasury also named Joumaa’s brothers Akram, Anwar and Mohamad, and described Akram as managing Caesar’s Park Hotel, which it alleged was used to broker trafficking and laundering activity. Other designated businesses included Phenicia Shipping in Lebanon, Goldi Electronics and Zona Libre International Market in Panama, and Almacen Junior, Almacen Junior No. 2 and Commercial Planeta in Colombia. These descriptions were part of the administrative designation account, not criminal judgments against every employee or customer.[1]
The alleged vehicle-trade circuit
- Route alleged in the amended civil complaint[4]
- Funds wired from Lebanese bank accounts to U.S. vehicle buyers
- Used vehicles shipped to West Africa and sold for cash
- Sales proceeds allegedly combined with narcotics and other illicit funds
- Currency converted and moved toward Lebanon through couriers and intermediaries
The October 2012 amended complaint alleged that at least $329 million was wired from accounts at four Lebanese banks to the United States for used-car purchases between approximately January 2007 and early 2011. It attributed about $141.5 million to Hassan Ayash Exchange accounts, $61.7 million to Ellissa Exchange accounts and $126.3 million to other accounts. These figures describe the purchase-payment side of the pleaded route. The complaint did not identify the full $329 million as a payment to Hezbollah. Nor does the presence of four banks in the transfer account establish identical conduct or knowledge by every institution.[4]
The vehicles were physical merchandise rather than merely entries in a set of bank transfers. According to the complaint, money arriving in the United States funded purchases of used cars that were shipped to West Africa and sold for cash. Buyers at car parks in Cotonou included customers from other West African countries, particularly Nigeria. The allegation concerned how those purchases, sales and subsequent currency movements operated together within a laundering scheme. A car dealer’s receipt of a wire or a buyer’s purchase of a vehicle did not, by itself, establish the knowledge or organizational affiliation of that particular participant.[4][12]
The purchase wires can also be grouped by bank, a different breakdown of the same transaction population. The amended complaint’s table assigned $229,872,953 to Lebanese Canadian Bank, $93,185,349 to BLOM Bank, $3,420,102 to Middle East and Africa Bank and $3,073,180 to Federal Bank of Lebanon, totaling $329,551,584. These bank totals overlap the exchange-house and other-account totals; adding the two breakdowns would count the same population twice.[4][4]
The Financial Crimes Enforcement Network’s (FinCEN) February 2011 finding described another commercial route alongside used vehicles. Funds passing through U.S. correspondent accounts allegedly paid Asian suppliers for consumer goods shipped to Latin America. Sales there settled proceeds through a Black Market Peso Exchange arrangement. The term describes the use of intermediaries and commercial transactions to settle value across currencies and markets; it does not mean that every supplier or consumer-goods transaction belonged to the alleged network. The finding was an administrative action under Section 311 of the USA PATRIOT Act, separate from the criminal indictment and civil forfeiture proceedings.[13]
Companies and cash couriers
The complaint assigned distinct functions to companies associated with Oussama Salhab or his relatives and associates. STE Nomeco operated used-car lots in Benin; STE Marco provided transport between Togo and Ghana; the Salhab Travel Agency operated in West Africa; and Cybamar Swiss supplied shipping services used by car buyers. The government alleged that Salhab controlled a courier network carrying money from West Africa to Lebanon and described him as a Hezbollah operative. These were pleaded assertions about named businesses and an individual, not a finding that all transport companies or car traders along the route shared that relationship.[4]
On the return side, the complaint alleged that car-sale proceeds were combined with narcotics proceeds and other illicit funds. Local-currency sales could be converted into dollars or euros through black-market exchanges, and cash then moved toward Lebanon through couriers and financial intermediaries. The government further alleged that a significant portion passed through networks controlled by Hezbollah or affiliated individuals. The claimed connection was therefore a specified service and beneficiary relationship within the return route. It was not simply an inference from the presence of Lebanese traders in West Africa or from the destination of a shipment.[4][2]
One example in the complaint concerned three travelers arrested at Paris Charles de Gaulle airport on 9 December 2010 while traveling from Benin toward Beirut. The pleading said they carried more than $6.5 million and €48,500 in undeclared cash; one possessed a business card for Ellissa’s Cotonou car lot. The incident supplied a concrete example within the government’s wider courier account. It did not identify the ultimate recipient of every currency unit or determine the guilt of every associated company. The separate allegation about the larger network rested on the complaint’s broader set of transactions and relationships.[4]
The alleged Hezbollah relationship
Treasury’s explicit organizational-benefit statement appeared in its February 2011 bank announcement: U.S. government information indicated that Hezbollah received financial support from Joumaa’s criminal activities. The civil complaint separately alleged involvement by members and supporters in cash transport and in financing or facilitating some vehicle purchases. These propositions describe both alleged services and alleged benefit. They do not publish an internal revenue allocation or establish that Hezbollah directed every transaction. Levitt’s research examines the significance of this benefit language, distinguishing it from a complete account of organizational control over all commercial activity attributed to the network.[2][4][14]
The civil complaint alleged that Joumaa’s organization used Hezbollah couriers and paid operatives for transporting and laundering narcotics proceeds, including protection for cash arriving at Beirut airport. It placed Salhab’s couriers on a route from Benin through Togo and Ghana toward Lebanon. The cocaine indictment announced in December 2011 did not itself charge a Hezbollah link. The civil allegations and Treasury’s financial-benefit assessment therefore address a relationship that must remain distinct from the offenses alleged in the cocaine case.[15][4][16]
Civil settlement and later financial relationships
In June 2012, Treasury designated four individuals and three companies under the Kingpin Act for alleged assistance to the Joumaa network. Its account described Abbas Hussein Harb’s Colombia- and Venezuela-based organization, Ibrahim Chibli’s role at a Fenicia Bank branch and a 2010 transfer exceeding $1 million into a Harb-owned account. The companies included Importadora Silvania and Bodega Michigan in Colombia and Importadora Silvania C.A. in Venezuela. Treasury separately designated Ali Mohamad Saleh for support to Hezbollah, describing fundraising in Maicao and an earlier laundering designation tied to the Cheaitelly/El Khansa organization. Treasury described the network in that action as laundering drug proceeds for criminals and for Hezbollah?s benefit.[17][17]
Treasury’s April 2013 actions against Rmeiti Exchange and Halawi Exchange alleged that financial activity continued through other channels after the LCB intervention. The findings described particular personnel, accounts and commercial relationships, including Hezbollah-related services. Both businesses denied wrongdoing. The later records extended the government’s account beyond a single bank, but did not make Rmeiti and Halawi interchangeable with each other or with LCB. Each finding described its own conduct and customers. The existence of later allegations also does not establish that every relationship named in the original Joumaa action continued unchanged.[5][6][7][8]
In 2013, Lebanese Canadian Bank agreed to a $102 million forfeiture in settlement of specified civil claims. The agreement preserved the bank’s denial of wrongdoing and management complicity. That outcome concerned the bank and property addressed in the settlement, rather than a criminal adjudication of every allegation in the amended complaint. It also concerned a different quantity from the alleged $329 million in purchase wires. The wire total, monthly laundering estimate and settlement amount measure transactions, an attributed scale of activity and a negotiated financial obligation, respectively; they cannot be added into a single total of organizational funding.[11][4][2]
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